Chapter 1
Worldwide Unity Movements
IN 1956, our in-depth study on the history of Europe in
the nineteenth century was a portion of the second year of our history
major at the University of Sydney. We were especially interested in the
year 1848 because this was the year of revolutions, according to
historians. As we reflect upon the history of that era, we recognize that
the turmoil and change of that period pales into insignificance when
compared with the events of the second half of 1989 and the early months
of 1990. Within a period of six months, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia,
East Germany, Bulgaria, and Romania had thrown off the shackles of
communism. The Soviet Union provided a multiparty political system. The
republics of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia had also made significant
progress toward the attainment of independence from the U.S.S.R. The
southern republics of Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan had become unruly.
If we had predicted on January 1 1989 that before the
year closed, Poland would install a democratically elected non-Communist
prime minister; that the hard-line Communist Party in Hungary would be
transformed; that East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Romania, and
Hungary would have new presidents; that the Berlin Wall would come down;
that East and West Berliners would jointly celebrate the commencement of
the new decade; that free passage between the two German republics would
be permitted; that Hungary would remove the barbed-wire entanglements and
the lookout posts along its common border with Austria; that
Czechoslovakia would open its doors for the free exit of its citizens to
other countries; that virtually all Eastern European nations would commit
themselves to have their own multiparty political systems; that the
Lithuanian Communist Party would dissociate itself from the Moscow
Communist Party as a first step to independence; that the Estonian Labor
Union Organization would separate from its parent organization; that
Alexander Dubcek would be restored to a position of leadership in
Czechoslovakia; that the U.S.S.R. would officially request papal
assistance in the Ukraine; and that Poland and East Germany would
officially apologize to the Czechoslovak nation for joining the U.S.S.R.
in 1968 during the suppression of the liberalization movement; then we
would have been justifiably regarded as wild-eyed speculators. If we had
predicted that such changes would be made before the turn of the
millennium, we would have been regarded with only a little more
credibility; yet all these dramatic events took place in four fateful
months.
While the year 1989 saw the unprecedented dismantling
of communism in Eastern Europe, the events of that year had an earlier
beginning. From the successful Bolshevik Revolution in Russia during 1917,
communism was in the vanguard of political change. The defeat of Nazism
and Fascism in the Second World War and the ruthless negotiation of Joseph
Stalin at the Yalta Conference paved the way for the Soviet Union to
assume total control of the destiny of Eastern Europe. Estonia, Lithuania,
and Latvia were annexed to the Soviet Union in August 1940, under an
agreement with Hitler. Parts of eastern Poland and eastern Romania were
absorbed into the Soviet Union. Poland (which included much of what was
formerly eastern Germany), Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, and
East Germany became little more than vassal states of the iron-fisted
Soviet Union. Only Yugoslavia (more liberal) and Albania (more ruthless)
adopted a communism that was not directly under Soviet domination. The
power and intent of the Soviet Union was demonstrated by its relentless
suppression of the liberation efforts which had arisen in Hungary (1956)
and Czechoslovakia (1968). When the Berlin Wall was erected in 1961, it
became the ultimate symbol of the cold war and the separation of Eastern
Europe from the West. The massive arms race was the inevitable result. The
Soviets (superpower of the East) and the Americans (superpower of the
West) eyed each other with absolute distrust.
Ever since, the Soviets and the Americans have
tenaciously fought each other all over the world from Korea to Vietnam,
Cuba to Nicaragua, Iran to Afghanistan, Angola to Ethiopia, and in other
countries. Providentially, none of these wars developed into a direct
conflict between the superpowers. The advance of communism in Asia added
to the alarm in the West. When by 1951 the communists had subjugated
China, the most populous nation of the world, one fifth of the people on
this planet had joined the blood-red banner of communism. North Korea,
North Vietnam, South Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Burma, and Afghanistan
formed communist governments. The Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia, and
Malaysia also fought wars against communist terrorists. The tentacles of
communism were reaching across the planet.
The Americas were not left untouched. Not only Cuba but
also much of Central and South America either had communist rule or
serious challenges from leftist organizations. Several African nations,
such as Tanzania, Angola, and Ethiopia, opted for communist-type
governments. It was not surprising that a high level of neurosis developed
in the Western world, peaking (but not ending) with the McCarthy years in
the United States.
It would be wrong to assume that communism is dead; yet
it is mind-boggling to note the rapid decline of communist powers at the
end of the 1980s. Not even the most optimistic Westerner could have
predicted the events of 1989. From Lenin through Konstantin Chernenko, the
Soviet Union had maintained anti-West and antireligion stances. When
Mikhail Gorbachev assumed the leadership of the U.S.S.R. in 1985, the
early efforts of perestroika and glasnost were viewed with
extreme skepticism by most Western politicians and observers; however, as
hard-line Old-Guard leaders lost their leadership roles one after the
other, the new revolution became more believable. This change of political
leadership had not come easily. The gradual increase of freedom came with
the resurfacing of old grievances being expressed in demonstrations and
riots. The annexed mini-nations of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania began
demanding greater independence. Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia were each
in various stages of social and political upheaval. It was a far cry from
the cruel days of Stalin.
The reforms in the Soviet Union encouraged freedom
movements in other Eastern European nations. Poland was the first to
experience the winds of change. Long before Gorbachev’s reforms, the
Polish political revolution was taking shape. With the unheard-of
establishment of the Solidarity Trade Union, the winds of change were
evident. Lech Walesa streaked across the headlines of the newspapers of
the world as a meteorite, and assumed the role of a larger-than-life
modern hero. Surprisingly, the Soviets of the late 1980s did not follow a
policy of military intervention as the Soviets in Hungary and
Czechoslovakia had during 1956 and 1968. Not meeting such outside
interference, with growing boldness this movement gained overwhelming
popular support.
Following a moderately different course from that of
the Polish, the Hungarians began a no-less-determined bloodless coup
against their hard-line communist leaders. This time, there were no Soviet
tanks or battalions sent to suppress the popular sentiments of the nation.
The stage was set for the dramatic events of 1989. These events were
fueled by the holding of free elections in Poland where, for the first
time in more than four decades, candidates other than the
red-card-carrying communists were permitted to campaign for election. As a
result, the Solidarity Party swept into power.
Even before this coup, hard-line communist leaders in
Hungary were rapidly losing their influence. A more liberal group of
leaders was openly calling for the nation to adopt a Western-style
democratic form of socialism. By the middle of 1989, a freedom of
expression unknown for decades emerged in Hungary. One correspondent
testily demanded the return of forty years of life that he claimed the
communists had taken from him, while others called for a withdrawal of the
Soviet troops.
In the last few months of 1989, the existing European
scene changed with dramatic rapidity. First, thousands of East Germans
demonstrated, forcing their hard-line leader, Erich Honecker, to retire.
Thousands of East German citizens found their way to the West via
Czechoslovakia and Hungary. In November of 1989, the government began to
demolish the Berlin Wall that had been a symbol of hostility and
separation since its erection in 1961. Some East Germans even dared to
talk of a reunification of Germany, a prospect not all Western or Eastern
nations relished. This movement soon became so overwhelmingly popular
that, by February of 1990, the communist leaders of East Germany accepted
it as inevitable. The first free elections of East Germany, held on March
18 1990, swept the Conservative Coalition into power, and ensured the
reunification of Germany within a very brief period.
Tentative efforts to put down riots and demonstrations
proved fruitless; as a result, the authorities were left with the basic
option to permit the doors of the nation to open, and grant the right of
free exit and entry of its citizens. The mass public demonstrations of
East Germany were followed by similar demonstrations in Czechoslovakia. As
in East Germany, attempts were made to quell the demonstrations, but the
people would not be silenced. Eventually, the nation’s long-serving
leader, Milos Jakes, was forced to resign. Hasty efforts were made to
reform the system, but the populace considered these to be inadequate, as
evidenced by the massive demonstrations in their demand for free
elections. Alexander Dubcek, the deposed reformer of 1968, became the
popular hero of 1989 and the presiding officer of the legislature. The new
president was Vaclav Havel, also a long-time hero of reform.
Even more surprising were the changes in hard-core
communist Bulgaria. With much less fanfare, the elderly Tudor Zhivkov
stepped down after 35 years of leadership. There was clear evidence that,
behind these rapid changes, Mikhail Gorbachev was encouraging, even
insisting, that the reforms of Eastern Europe occur.
But the most tragic events in Romania happened after
Nicolae Ceausescu had ruled for 24 years. Ceausescu was a pitiless
dictator. In June 1989, when the Chinese had brutally suppressed a student
uprising in Tiananmen Square in Beijing, Ceausescu apparently believed
that a similar response against a popular uprising against his rule would
succeed. This supposition led to thousands of Romanians losing their
lives. The revolution could not be stopped, and Ceausescu and his wife
were executed on Christmas day, 1989, after a hasty trial.
The dramatic announcement from the Soviet Union
(February 7, 1990) that opened the nation to multiparty elections was
another evidence of the collapse of European communism.
We can only speculate concerning the influence that
these changes will have upon communism in other areas of the world.
Despite the fact that the student freedom movement of China was ruthlessly
suppressed in June 1989, the question may still be properly posed, How
much longer will this mammoth nation be able to stand against the forces
of change? There can be no disputing the evidence that, in spite of the
student suppression, which represented a serious hindrance to these
freedom initiatives, China is still in the midst of change. Precedents set
in China will undoubtedly affect the policies of other nations such as
North Korea and Tanzania, which historically have been greatly influenced
by Chinese communism. Tanzania is already showing signs of change after
its first leader, President Nyerere, admitted that he may have been wrong
in choosing a socialist form of government for his developing nation.
North Korea is gradually opening its doors to foreigners. The overtures of
Vietnam for aid from the West expresses a worldwide trend.
In the Western hemisphere, national leaders are
pondering what these changes in Eastern Europe will mean to Cuba. Even
now, communist nations that are not associated with the Warsaw Pact, such
as Yugoslavia and Albania, are experiencing growing pressures to establish
more liberal policies. One fact is certain: Worldwide communism certainly
is declining.
Many Christians have failed to perceive the significant
influence that the rise of atheistic communism has had upon the thinking
of Protestants as they sought to identify the antichrist power of biblical
prophecy. With the rise of Communism and its attendant evils, many Bible
scholars had their attention drawn away from the Roman Catholic Church,
which up to the early twentieth century, had been identified by
Protestants as the antichrist. This fact partly accounts for the rapid
increase in books supporting the futurist interpretation of the
antichrist. Futurists teach that the antichrist is a single individual
reigning at the end of the age. Increasingly, the Papacy has adopted the
role of the peacemaker and the champion of social justice. When a
worldwide survey was conducted in the early 1980s, an overwhelming
majority of respondents saw Pope John Paul II as the man who is most
likely to bring peace to our planet. U.S. President Ronald Reagan and
Soviet General Secretary Yuri Andropov, second and third, respectively,
were thought to be the next most likely to bring peace to our world.
In February 1984, in meetings between Reagan and John
Paul II, the issue of global peace headed the pope’s agenda. This fact
is greatly significant. It surely was a remarkable about-face by a power
known to be the most ruthless suppressor of religious freedom in Europe
for more than a thousand years. The ravening wolf now appeared in the garb
of a lamb.
This collapse of communism was foreseen and initiated
by the Papacy.
In the 1960s . . . one senior Vatican diplomat said,
"We’ll win out against the communists in the next generation."
(Our Sunday Visitor, Nov. 26 1989)
For the last forty years, it has taken courage and
unwavering loyalty to the Word of God for Protestants to identify the
Papacy as the antichrist. This power will play the greatest role in the
end-time suppression of God’s people. The euphoria resulting from the
changes in Europe will be short-lived. To many, the events in Europe
represent considerations of little importance to the average person in
other parts of the world, but how wrong is such an evaluation! In the
Washington Post of December 2 1989, a front-page article reviewed a
survey of young Americans. This survey concluded that these youths viewed
the events in Europe as either confusing or irrelevant to them. It was
clear that parents, teachers, pastors, and politicians are failing to
communicate the future impact of these changes in Europe upon Americans
and citizens of other non-European nations.
The events which have been happening in Eastern Europe
are only part of a worldwide mosaic readying the world for the final
climactic fulfillment of Revelation, chapters 13–18. The Word of God
pinpoints this remarkable movement that is sweeping both the religious and
the political worlds as the final effort marshals the combined forces of
the world against Christ and His faithful remnant people.
On both the religious and the political fronts, there
are dramatic moves toward unity. Unfortunately, neither movement is
established upon the biblical principles of unity, which are built upon a
truth that sanctifies the soul of man.
Sanctify them through thy truth: thy word is truth.
(John 17:17)
And for their sakes I sanctify myself, that they also
might be sanctified through the truth. (John 17:19)
And he gave some, apostles; and some, prophets; and
some, evangelists; and some, pastors and teachers; for the perfecting of
the saints, for the work of the ministry, for the edifying of the body of
Christ: till we all come in the unity of the faith, and of the knowledge
of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature of
the fulness of Christ: that we henceforth be no more children, tossed to
and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine, by the sleight of
men, and cunning craftiness, whereby they lie in wait to deceive; but
speaking the truth in love, may grow up into him in all things, which is
the head, even Christ. (Ephesians 4:11–15).
Seeing ye have purified your souls in obeying the truth
through the Spirit unto unfeigned love of the brethren, see that ye love
one another with a pure heart fervently: being born again, not of
corruptible seed, but of incorruptible, by the word of God, which liveth
and abideth for ever. (1 Peter 1:22, 23)
The unity movements fueled by peace initiatives, such
as the globalfest held in Moscow in January 1990, provide a climate
wherein all dissenters are ultimately considered enemies of peace and
unity. This view creates the conditions that are necessary for the great
tribulation which God’s faithful people will endure. No doubt, these
religious and political leaders who, under the guidance of Satan, are
orchestrating these final climactic events of earth’s history have no
thoughts concerning sanctifying truth. Both politically and spiritually,
the Papacy will be acknowledged as the unifying power in the world. At
that time, this prophecy will be fulfilled:
All the world wondered after the beast. (Revelation
13:3)
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