Chapter 42
Pius XII - Part 1
2 March 1939 — 9 October 1958
Eugenio Pacelli had left his mark upon the Roman
Catholic Church through long years as Vatican diplomat and
administrator.
In many ways Pacelli appeared almost as destined to
wear the triple crown. He came from a line of significant Vatican lay
workers who served successive popes as legal advisors. Pacelli’s
great-great-great uncle, Monsignor Prospero Caterini had sponsored
Pacelli’s grandfather, Marcantonio Pacelli, to study canon law in 1819,
only twenty-one years after the deadly wound had been inflicted. By 1834
Marcantonio was involved in the investigation of marriage annulments as
an advocate in the Vatican Tribunal of the Sacred Rota under Pope
Gregory XVI. Under Pius IX, Marcantonio rose to become the Pope’s legal
and political advisor, and accompanied Pius into his short exile to
Gaeta in the Kingdom of Naples after unruly mobs declared a Roman
Republic in 1848.
Upon their return to Rome, Marcantonio was appointed
a member of the Council of Censorship which investigated those involved
in the republican coup. In 1852 he became the Vatican Secretary of the
Interior. In an era in which—
There [was] not a breath of liberty, not a hope of
tranquil life; two foreign armies; a permanent state of siege,
atrocious acts of revenge, factious raging, universal discontent; such
[was] the papal government of [that] day. (A letter written by an
English tourist to British Prime Minister William Gladstone and quoted
by G. Trevelyan, Garibaldi’s Defense of the Roman Republic,
London, 1928, p. 228)
No doubt Marcantonio was a tough administrator.
Marcantonio’s son, Filippo, was a devout Roman
Catholic; and Eugenio’s elder brother by two years, Francesco, later
became a senior canon lawyer in the Vatican. Filippo’s family was living
with Marcantonio when Eugenio was born in Rome on March 2, 1876.
It would not overstate the case to make the
assessment that Cardinal Pacelli’s greatest contribution to Papal
ascendancy was made prior to his election as pope. In fact his
pontificate, marked by his failure to specifically condemn Nazism and
Hitler’s policy of genocide against the Jews and Gypsies, despite
detailed knowledge of the atrocities at Auschwitz and like concentration
camps scattered throughout Europe; his assistance to war criminals in
their flights to Argentina, Paraguay and other parts of South America;
and his feverish diplomatic efforts to ensure that Rome would not be
bombed, while taking less interest in the fates of other European
cities; lost ground in public relations with the religious faiths
outside his communion.
Pacelli, as a young priest during the reign of Leo
XIII, came to the attention of Cardinal Mariano Rampolla, Leo’s
Secretary of State, who was so influential that he had the numbers to
succeed Leo, but was vetoed by Austria. After ordination to the
priesthood in 1899, Pacelli studied canon law, a family tradition.
Monsignor Pietro Gasparri in 1901 was Under-secretary in the Department
of Extraordinary Affairs which dealt with Foreign Affairs and was part
of the Secretariat of State. He was a renowned canon lawyer. It was he
who invited Pacelli to join the Secretariat of State as an
apprendista, effectively an intern in Gasparri’s department.
These two men forged a working relationship for three
decades and it was Gasparri, who was appointed Secretary of State in
1914 by Bene-dict XV, whom Pacelli succeeded as Secretary of State in
1930. It was these powerful, able and intelligent canonists who were,
during the reigns of Pius X and Benedict XV, to completely codify Roman
Catholic canon law and to forge the centralized Papacy set forth by Pius
IX and Leo XIII. This was to have long-term benefits for the Papacy in
the years ahead. A cohesive church was crucial to the advancement of
Rome’s political agenda, and centralized control ensured that all but
the most highly principled dissenters would comply to Pontifical
dictates. The work on the new canon law cannot be overestimated in
evaluating its significance for Papal advancement.
Yet that code of canon law which was completed in
1917 retained medieval concepts. One glaring example was canon 747 which
stated that if there was a danger of inter-uterine death of a baby, the
foetus should be baptized before birth. Thus was perpetuated Augustine
of Hippo’s appalling fifth century view of punishment for even unborn
children should they die unbaptized. Fortunately the revision of this
code of canon law in 1983 deleted this absurd requirement, although
Peter de Rosa, Vicars of Christ, p. 452 asserts that that 1917
canon law number 747 "still determines the practices imposed by
moralists."
Furthermore, the 1917 code contained as an appendix,
documents of Popes Paul III (1534—1549), Pius V (1566—1572—the last
Papal saint before twentieth century Pius X; Pius V was a grand
Inquisitor, no less), and Gregory XIII (1572—1585); documents which
authorized popes to dissolve marriages contracted between individuals,
neither of whom were Roman Catholics at the time of their marriage. Pius
XI in the 1920s rapidly invoked this authority. In 1924 he dissolved the
marriage between a Protestant and a Jew. The Protestant had converted to
Catholicism and desired to marry a Catholic. At least two other such
cases were granted by Pius XI. (Ibid., p. 490) Pius XII, himself
one of the architects of the code, dissolved six marriages legalized
when neither party was a Roman Catholic. In one case both were Moslems
at the time of their marriage.
Cornwell, in Hitler’s Pope, page 6, has
pointedly stated that the code of canon law,
distributed to clergy throughout the world, created
a means of establishing, imposing, and sustaining a remarkable new
"top-down" power relationship.
The revision of the Code of Canon Law had commenced
in secret in 1904. Together with the Anti-Modernist Oath which Pius X
required of all priests, the new code—
became the means by which the Holy See was to
establish and sustain the new, unequal, and unprecedented power
relationship that had arisen between the Papacy and the church. (Ibid.,
p. 41) The code was to be applied universally without local discretion
or favour. . . . It transformed the power of the Papacy. (Ibid.,
p. 42)
Yet this code of canon law was dangerous, exceedingly
dangerous, to the Papacy itself. The very laws which upheld the Pope at
the pinnacle of the hierarchy provided the Roman Catholic Church with
its Achilles heel. Roman Catholic priest, Malachi Martin, set forth this
serious matter well.
The same catastrophe of disintegration would
desolate the Roman Catholic institutional organization . . . if a
sizeable body of Roman Catholic clergy and laity became convinced,
rightly or wrongly, that the then occupant of the throne of Peter was
elected quite validly but over time had become heretical, and was
actually collaborating, actively or passively, in the piece by piece
dismemberment of the sacred Petrine Office and its ministerial
organization. For a pope who became a heretic would cease to be a
pope.
In such a situation, the principal cause of
disintegration would be the lack of any authoritative voice in the
church structure by which Catholics would be assured authoritatively
that their pope had or had not fallen into heresy. For there is no
official mechanism within the structure of the church that is
authorized to pass judgment on pope and papacy. Indeed the Church’s
official code of ecclesiastical law, canon law, expressly denies to
anyone the right or duty of passing official judgment upon the pope or
papacy. (The Keys of this Blood, pp. 679, 680)
In codifying the canon law there is no doubt that
Pacelli and Gasparri found themselves in a bind. To create a means in
canon law whereby an heretical pope could be expelled from office for
heresy would have seriously dented the claim of papal infallibility when
speaking ex-cathedra. Yet the history of the Papacy abounds with
heretical popes, even as judged by Catholicism, let alone the Word of
God.
Let us quote from the words of a pope himself, Pope
Adrian VI, the Dutchman who was the last non-Italian pope before the
election of John Paul II. In 1523 he said,
If by the Roman Church you mean its head or
pontiff, it is beyond question that he can err even in matters
touching the faith. He does this when he teaches heresy by his own
judgement or decretal. In truth many Roman Pontiffs were heretics. The
last of them was John XXII [1316—1334]. (Quoted in de Rosa, op.cit.,
p. 285)
One can ponder the question, Was it Adrian VI who was
infallible when he made this statement, or was it Pius IX when he
declared the Dogma of Papal Infallibility? One or other of these two
popes was manifestly fallible.
Pope Liberius (352—366) accepted the view that Christ
was not equal with the Father. Both Innocent I (401—417) and Gelasius I
(492—496) stated that baptized babies who died and had not ever received
communion would go straight to hell. At least the Council of Trent in
the sixteenth century denied such fiendish rubbish. In 682 Pope Leo II
wrote, "[Pope] Honorius [625-638] tried with profane treachery to
subvert the immaculate faith." (Ibid., pp. 288—290)
Incredibly Pope Vigilius (537—555), the pope who
assumed the title of the head of the Universal Church, accorded by
Emperor Justinian, and who was the first pope to wield undisputed power
both religious and political, which he was accorded in 538 when the
Ostrogoths were evicted from Rome, most certainly was a heretic, for he
waffled back and forth between the views that Jesus was a single or a
dual being. Both views were mutually contradictory. When the Emperor
exiled him to Proconessus, Vigilius sent a letter to the Patriarch of
Constantinople on December 8, 553 stating that he had been deluded by
the "wiles of the devil," but he had since seen the light of truth. He
was a self-confessed heretic. (Ibid.)
Thus Pacelli and Gasparri failed to come to terms
with this sordid Papal history and left the Papacy vulnerable to Papal
heresy.
His task in the codification of canon law complete,
Pacelli was consecrated an archbishop by Benedict XV on May 13, 1917,
and appointed papal nuncio to Munich, the center of German Catholicism.
By an incredible coincidence, this was the very day the vision of Fatima
transpired in Portugal. Pacelli left Rome for Munich in style. He was
provided his own private compartment on the train and an additional
carriage to carry sixty cases of groceries lest he could not obtain the
foods he needed for his fragile stomach in Munich. Even the pope was
reported to have been amazed at his extravagance.
Munich was a critical post in his life and future. It
was here that his hatred of Communism was established. On April 12,
1919, Max Levien, Eugen Levine and Towia Axelrod set up a Communist-type
government in Munich. Even the diplomatic immunity of the embassies was
breached. In Pacelli’s letter to Gasparri, the Vatican Secretary of
State, written April 18, 1919, he stated concerning conditions at the
Communist headquarters,
An army of employers were dashing to and fro,
giving out orders, waving bits of paper, and in the midst of all this,
a gang of young women, of dubious appearance, Jews like all the rest
of them, hanging around in all the offices with lecherous demeanour
and suggestive smiles. The boss of this female rabble was Levien’s
mistress, a Russian woman, a Jew and a divorcée, who was in charge.
And it was to her that the nunciature was obliged to pay homage in
order to proceed.
This Levien is a young man, of about thirty or
thirty-five, also Russian and a Jew.
The letter complained of Levien’s discourtesy to
Monsignor Schioppa, Pacelli’s German aide. Levien said there was no need
for a nuncio in Munich. Pacelli was incensed when a Communist mob came
to the Nunciature and confiscated his limousine. The militia of the Red
Guards later fired on the Nunciature and stormed through it. The upper
level of the building was left in devastation and fifty bullet holes
were found in the structure.
These events of 1919, more than any other, were to
rivet the mind of Pacelli and surely account for his strong antithesis
to Communism and reveal his distaste for Jews, to the point that during
the years of World War II, Pius, despite mild protestations concerning
afflicted people, never once publicly named the Jews and, in the view of
many of his detractors, demonstrated a callous indifference to their
plight.
The events of that year also produced another salient
feature of Pacelli’s diplomacy. It reduced his fear of the vile role of
Nazism in Germany. It appeared as if he saw Nazism as promise of future
protection of the Roman Catholic Church against the atheistic Communist
movements sweeping Europe. As Pope, he never openly condemned the Nazi
regime by name. |